Blue On Blue Military - According to a December 2012 Pentagon report on progress toward security and stability in Afghanistan, there was a "dramatic increase" in "green-on-blue" attacks—incidents in which members of the Afghan security forces attack NATO coalition troops. are - last time. In 2012, at least 52 coalition soldiers were killed in at least 37 Green and Blue attacks. A recent declassified slide deck prepared by US Central Command, posted below and published here for the first time, shows some of the steps. That the US military is committed to defeating the "insider threat" - and why it's so difficult to stop the "blue on green".
Centcom's slides identify four types of threats: "infiltration", when insurgents join the ANSF with the intention of attacking, spying or instilling distrust; "cooperation" where insurgents use "intimidation, blackmail or connections" to persuade a current member of the ANSF to carry out an attack; “counterfeiting” where insurgents use stolen uniforms or fake ID cards to attack ISAF soldiers; and “instability”, ANSF soldiers who (often due to “stress, mental instability or…drug use”) attack ISAF soldiers without insurgent influence.
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Centcom's ANSF screening and monitoring timeline reflects a robust, if delayed, effort to quantitatively monitor every soldier in the Afghan army. Verification was hampered by the fact that a NATO intelligence-sharing agreement with the Afghan government was not reached until March 2008, and the ANSF's biometrics program was not officially established until September 2009. In response to internal attacks, the Afghan Ministry of Defense launched a sweeping operation. its counterintelligence program in the late 2010s.
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Disturbingly, few more fundamental steps were taken during the war itself. The document reported that "10,000 ANSF uniforms were withdrawn [from markets]" in May 2011, but did not say how or why they were there; Or how many uniforms are available for purchase by non-soldiers who may attempt to carry out 'fake' attacks.
The final announced slide describes the eight-step vetting process Afghan recruits must complete to complete basic training. These steps include: a valid Tazkar (identity card), two letters from parents, biometric data collection (currently 430,000 entries in the database), criminal record check, fitness check (for officers only) and medical and drug tests. Failure to test for THC (marijuana) does not disqualify recruits from service in the ANSF—despite the document's earlier claim that drug use can affect internal attacks through "destabilization" (non-insurgency).
Centcom claims that this vetting process, which is undergoing "continuous improvement", "gives the ANSF a better chance of identifying 'insider threats' before they enter service". Since the document was created in May 2011, these "continuous reforms" have included an anonymous tip-off process, the discontinuation of training for Afghan local police and some joint "advisory" operations, as well as the deployment of NATO service members. . "Guardian Angels" meeting of NATO and Afghan forces to oversee everything, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Gen. Martin Dempsey met with senior Afghan commanders and officials, as well as a discussion on the issue between President Obama and Karzai.
Despite these efforts and improvements, green-on-blue attacks continue to increase, prompting Centcom's assessment that "persistent vulnerabilities ... will allow some insider attacks to recur." Female police officers working with the United Nations peacekeeping mission in Liberia. to participate in the parade in 2008. and photo/Christopher Herwig
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Dennis Jett does not work for, consult with, own stock in, or receive funding from, any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has no material relationship other than his academic appointment. has not been disclosed.
About 74,000 UN peacekeepers are deployed in uniform in a dozen conflict zones around the world. They are easily spotted in their distinctive light blue helmets. It is more difficult to find a woman among them.
This is a significant increase from 15 years ago, when the number of peacekeepers was about the same as today, but only 2% were women. The United Nations has been trying to improve these figures for 20 years.
As an American diplomat and international affairs scholar, I have been involved in peacekeeping in Africa, Latin America, and the Middle East. While the dramatic increase in the number of female peacekeepers has clear benefits, including improved community relations, the evolution of peacekeeping makes gender equality impossible.
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The United Nations does not have its own military units. So when the United Nations launches a peacekeeping mission, it must ask its 193 member states to provide the necessary personnel to staff it.
The United Nations pays countries a little more than $1,400 for each soldier lent to the organization. It can help poor countries maintain their armies and pay their soldiers. Bangladesh, Nepal, India and Rwanda contribute the most troops to serve as peacekeepers, each with more than 5,000. The US currently provides only 30 staff officers.
In 2000, the UN Security Council recognized the gender imbalance in peacekeeping when it approved Resolution 1325, which called for more opportunities for women to serve. In 2018, the United Nations began directing its peacekeeping missions to specifically work to include as many women as men.
Research shows that involving women in conflict resolution is a good idea, especially since they are more often victims of war than men. When women participate in peace talks, peace lasts longer.
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More female peacekeepers can also help improve relations with civilians. Open communication and trust between local communities and peacekeepers can yield better cultural understanding and valuable information, including information about sexual violence, which women are more likely to report to peacekeepers.
This is particularly important because in recent years there have been numerous cases of peacekeepers abusing and abusing civilians, including children.
First, almost every country has a small proportion of women in the armed forces, from less than 1% in India and Turkey to 20% in Hungary.
Second, very few countries train women for ground combat, which can be part of a UN peacekeeping mission.
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Third, countries that train women to fight are almost always democratic and wealthy. They are also less likely to contribute troops to the most dangerous UN peacekeeping missions.
The United Nations was only three years old when it launched its first peacekeeping mission in 1948 to respond to a war between Israel and its Arab neighbors. In this operation and subsequent operations that settled disputes between countries over territory, peacekeepers could be placed between opposing forces when fighting had ceased to ensure the continuation of the ceasefire.
In the 1990s, peacekeepers also dealt with civil wars in places like Angola and Mozambique. These operations required the demobilization of ex-combatants, their integration into civilian life, and the creation of a new national army.
Often the most important work was to help fight elections. When I was the US ambassador to Mozambique in 1994, it was all done successfully and the peacekeepers went home. But even this kind of peacekeeping is largely a thing of the past.
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In the five most recent UN peacekeeping missions, launched in 2010 and 2014 and across Africa, peacekeepers are required to assist governments in increasing control to protect civilians and reduce threats from armed rebel groups. is Doing so requires large infantry units, so the mission in Mali, for example, involved 12,000 troops.
These missions are not only the largest but also the deadliest, with an average of 16 peacekeepers killed in these missions each year, compared to an average of two peacekeepers killed in earlier peacekeeping operations.
The United Nations initially insisted that all warring parties agree to the presence of peacekeepers and that peacekeepers remain neutral and use force only in self-defense.
In the five most recent missions, the mandate called for an expanded use of force. This meant that peacekeepers no longer had the consent of all combatants and gave up their neutrality to help the government in power. As a result, some people opposed to the government started attacking the peacekeepers.
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Ivorian soldiers carry the coffins of four UN peacekeepers in Mali in February 2021. Sia Combo/AFP via Getty Images
These latest peacekeeping missions require thousands of combat-ready soldiers to deploy the force. Because of this, 86% of all peacekeepers are soldiers, but only 6% of soldiers are women.
The low proportion of female soldiers contrasts sharply with other types of peacekeepers who do not risk engaging in combat – 27% of military specialists, 19% of staff officers and 19% of police officers are women.
Although rich countries pay 86% of the financial cost of UN peacekeeping, which is $6.4 billion per year, they account for less than 8% of all troops.
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In the six oldest UN missions, such as Israel, only 7% of soldiers are women, and 37% of these women come from wealthy countries. However, in the five deadliest missions, 5% of the soldiers are women and only 3% of them are from wealthy members.
To get more female peacekeepers, countries should deploy more women in the most dangerous peacekeeping missions. In other words, it will be necessary
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